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Children benefit from morphological relatedness independently of orthographic relatedness when they learn to spell new words

dc.rights.licenseopenen_US
dc.contributor.authorPACTON, Sebastien
dc.contributor.authorAFONSO JACO, Amandine
dc.contributor.authorNYS, Marion
hal.structure.identifierLaboratoire de psychologie [LabPsy]
dc.contributor.authorFOULIN, Jean-Noel
dc.contributor.authorTREIMAN, Rebecca
dc.contributor.authorPEEREMAN, Ronald
dc.date.accessioned2021-06-01T12:21:58Z
dc.date.available2021-06-01T12:21:58Z
dc.date.issued2018-07-01
dc.identifier.issn0022-0965en_US
dc.identifier.urioai:crossref.org:10.1016/j.jecp.2018.02.003
dc.identifier.urihttps://oskar-bordeaux.fr/handle/20.500.12278/78788
dc.description.abstractEnWe examined whether French children in Grades 3 and 5 (aged ∼ 8–11 years) benefit from morphological relatedness beyond orthographic relatedness in the implicit learning of new spellings. Children silently read stories that included two target nonwords. One nonword was in an opaque condition in that nothing in the story could justify the spelling of its final sound. The other nonword was in either a morphological condition (for children in the morphological group) or an orthographic condition (for children in the orthographic group). In the morphological condition, the final spelling of the target nonword was justified by two morphologically related nonwords. For example, coirardage, obtained by adding the suffix age to coirard, designates the coirard’s song and justifies the final silent d of coirard. The orthographic condition included two nonwords that were orthographically but not morphologically related to the target. For example, the coirard’s song was coirardume, obtained by adding ume, which is not a suffix, to coirard. Then, 30 min after reading the stories, children were asked to choose the correct spelling of each nonword from among three phonologically plausible alternatives (e.g., coirard, coirars, coirar). In the morphological group, both third and fifth graders more often selected the correct spellings for items presented in the morphological condition than for items presented in the opaque condition. In the orthographic group, the results were very similar in the opaque and orthographic conditions. The findings show that the benefit of morphological relatedness in the implicit learning of new spellings cannot be reduced to orthographic relatedness.
dc.language.isoENen_US
dc.sourcecrossref
dc.subject.enSpelling
dc.subject.enMorphology
dc.subject.enImplicit learning
dc.subject.enSelf-teaching
dc.subject.enSpelling acquisition
dc.subject.enOrthographic learning
dc.title.enChildren benefit from morphological relatedness independently of orthographic relatedness when they learn to spell new words
dc.typeArticle de revueen_US
dc.identifier.doi10.1016/j.jecp.2018.02.003en_US
dc.subject.halSciences de l'Homme et Société/Psychologieen_US
dc.identifier.pubmed29550720en_US
bordeaux.journalJournal of Experimental Child Psychologyen_US
bordeaux.page71-83en_US
bordeaux.volume171en_US
bordeaux.hal.laboratoriesLaboratoire de psychologie (LabPsy) - EA4139en_US
bordeaux.institutionUniversité de Bordeauxen_US
bordeaux.peerReviewedouien_US
bordeaux.inpressnonen_US
bordeaux.import.sourcedissemin
hal.identifierhal-03244841
hal.version1
hal.date.transferred2021-06-01T12:22:04Z
hal.exporttrue
workflow.import.sourcedissemin
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