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hal.structure.identifierCognition, Langues, Langage, Ergonomie [CLLE-ERSS]
dc.contributor.authorLABRUNE, Laurence
dc.date.issued2012
dc.identifier.issn0952-6757
dc.description.abstractEnThis paper reexamines the issue of the mora, the foot and the syllable in Tokyo Japanese, and shows that whereas the mora and the foot are indisputably present and active, the evidence for the syllable is inconspicuous and disputable. Building on this observation, I claim that Tokyo Japanese makes no use of the syllable. Instead, two types of mora are distinguished: regular CV moras and weak (de- ficient) moras. Weak moras include the moraic nasal, the first part of a geminate and the second part of a long vowel, as well as moras containing an onsetless vowel, a devoiced vowel or an epenthetic vowel. I further argue that feet obey a set of structural constraints stipulating that they be properly headed by a regular full mora. With this enriched notion of mora type, the paper argues that neither the syllable nor any other level of the prosodic hierarchy is obligatory in all languages.
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherCambridge University Press (CUP)
dc.subjectphonologie
dc.subjectjaponais
dc.subjectsyllabe
dc.subjectmore
dc.subjectpied
dc.subjecthiérarchie prosodique
dc.subject.enphonology
dc.subject.enJapanese
dc.subject.ensyllable
dc.subject.enmora
dc.subject.enprosodic hierarchy
dc.subject.enfoot
dc.title.enQuestioning the universality of the syllable: evidence from Japanese
dc.typeArticle de revue
dc.identifier.doi10.1017/S095267571200005X
dc.subject.halSciences de l'Homme et Société/Linguistique
bordeaux.journalPhonology
bordeaux.page113-152
bordeaux.volume29
bordeaux.issue1
bordeaux.peerReviewedoui
hal.identifierhalshs-00951957
hal.version1
hal.popularnon
hal.audienceNon spécifiée
hal.origin.linkhttps://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr//halshs-00951957v1
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