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hal.structure.identifierCognition, Langues, Langage, Ergonomie [CLLE-ERSS]
dc.contributor.authorBUSQUETS, Joan
dc.date.issued2006
dc.identifier.issn0921-4771
dc.description.abstractEnIn the tradition of Generative Grammar, several authors have explained the impossibility of vp-Ellipsis for Romance Languages following the hypothesis that vp-Ellipsis in these languages is not licensed by the head of infl as it is in English. It has been pointed out that in French, for instance, vp-Ellipsis is expressed by Stripping. The idea that Romance languages show tp-Ellipsis or tp-Deletion has emerged recently. In this paper I intend to demonstrate that, concerning Catalan, three related constructions, namely Stripping, negative-contrasting constructions and tp-Ellipsis are independent and clearly specified. This evidence will come from the analysis of the so-called information packaging. I'm going to argue that there are two different interpretative processes. On the one hand, Stripping and negative-contrasting constructions are under the control of focus by means of parallel foci in the former, and con-trastive foci in the latter. On the other hand, tp-Ellipsis constructions are not constrained by the information packaging, although this notion might help to disambiguate the target in certain cases. Finally, we observe that the polarity particles are expressions whose function is to select the appropriate antecedent in the three cases we are concerned here.
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherDe Gruyter
dc.subject.enEllipsis
dc.subject.enStripping
dc.subject.enFocus
dc.subject.enCatalan
dc.title.enStripping and VP-Ellipsis in Catalan: What is deleted and when?
dc.typeArticle de revue
dc.identifier.doi10.1515/PROBUS.2006.009
dc.subject.halSciences de l'Homme et Société/Linguistique
bordeaux.journalProbus
bordeaux.page159-187
bordeaux.volume18
bordeaux.issue2
bordeaux.peerReviewedoui
hal.identifierhal-01578830
hal.version1
hal.origin.linkhttps://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr//hal-01578830v1
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